Wednesday, March 21, 2012

Developing a Battlefield Program

With Park Ranger Matt Atkinson
Park Rangers, historians, teachers, and battlefield guides all possess different manners of presentation while conducting tours and programs at sites such as Gettysburg National Military Park.  Some specialize in educational outreach, making the past relevant and similar in the lives of young students.  Others elaborate on tactics, maneuvers, and heroism for the military-minded park visitor.  Meanwhile, some seek to instill ideals of civic engagement, active citizenship, and responsibility.  All in all, the beauty of National Park Service programs is their diversity.  One could take six Pickett's Charge tours with six different rangers and receive six different stories completely unique.  Today, we'll be exploring some of the techniques and methods of Ranger Matt Atkinson.  You are likely to remember if you have been on one of his tours, because his knowledge of the battle, his fondness of Robert E. Lee and all things Southern, and especially his humor are all traits that make him a memorable aspect of many a tourist's Gettysburg experience.  In the photo above, Matt illustrates one of the first steps of creating a battlefield program: surveying the battle site and planning the path of one's tour (sometimes invoking the spirit of Shelby Foote with a prop pipe no less).

Matt poses. . . err, plans programs while he is off duty as well.  It's always a plus to be passionate about the subject matter of your tours.  Accordingly, historians often spend a fair amount of time in the field to have a better understanding of their topic.  Having a sense of the terrain and comprehending the physical (not to mention psychological) obstacles Civil War soldiers faced will allow you to sharpen your tour in many respects.  Here, Matt stands at the peak of Little Round Top and points past the 155th Pennsylvania Infantry monument into the Valley of Death.

In-depth research in the park archives and library is often the next step in the process.  Many refer to the War of the Rebellion: Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies also known as "the ORs."  Filled with primary sources of first hand battle accounts and correspondence by officers, generals, and politicians of the war era, the collection is a fantastic resource.  Published between 1881 and 1901, the set includes 128 books.  They include after action reports, telegrams, letters, and other very useful material.  While Matt likes to head down to the park reading room and browse the indices for his research material, I prefer browsing the ORs online at sites like Cornell University's Making of America Library collections.  Photo courtesy of Bibliopolis.

For proposed special programs such as anniversary Battlewalks or Hikes with a Ranger, the folks at Gettysburg usually have to first verify the feasibility and subject matter with Supervisory Historian Scott Hartwig.  In this position, Scott is responsible for outlining interpretive programming for each season, writes the program schedules, coordinates tour guidelines, and a vast array of other duties (including writing for the official park blog).  He also serves as one of the main speaking heads on park history and policy, showing up on the History Channel and such multiple times over the past years.  Above, Matt discusses a potential new program with Scott.

After some brainstorming, Matt gets the thumbs up from Scott regarding a new Battlewalk.  Now the research begins in earnest.  In the park library (or "the Stacks"), there are not only thousands of books available for reference, but also several cabinets known as the Vertical Files (as seen above).  Each drawer is categorized by state, regiment, or historical topic.  A file exists for nearly every regiment--North or South--that fought at Gettysburg.  Each folder includes copies of original letters, newspaper articles, or photos pertaining to each unit in the campaign.  Also in the library is a large cabinet of large maps including those of historian John Bachelder, the U.S. War Department, and park officials.  There are also film and music collections for program implementation.  The collection is an unbelievable asset for rangers.  But wait!  You too can have access to this treasure trove of sources simply by calling the park and scheduling a research appointment.

Individual ranger supervisors often ask for a typed program outline before the tour is delivered to the general public.  Once handed in and reviewed, supervisors will go over your program with you and discuss its strengths and weaknesses.   After some possible revisions, you are now ready to present!  Over time and with practice, you will continue to fine-tune your tour and present it with skill and hardly with any notes.

 
Rangers offer tours not only to members of the general public, but also training for new park interns and seasonal staff.  Here, Matt discusses the uses of artillery near the Abraham Bryan Farm on Cemetery Ridge to a group of new colleagues.  Perhaps the best resource a park ranger has available to them is their co-workers, many of whom have worked for the NPS for twenty or thirty years.  Their experiences and knowledge is something not to be underestimated.

Finally, rangers assist and collaborate with other parks as well.  In July 2011, Matt helped out at the 150th anniversary of the Battle of First Manassas (in the oppressive heat).  Although there are 400 National Parks across the country, the NPS is a close-knit community.  Because rangers often work at multiple parks before they settle down, they know a wide spectrum of other rangers nationwide, each with their own methods of planning and assisting with programs to make your visit memorable.  Make use of and support your parks.  Enjoy not only their scenic vistas and history, but all the exciting and interactive opportunities to experience therein--including Battlefield Programs.

Sunday, March 11, 2012

Frederick Douglass' Unfinished Revolution


"Frederick Douglass appealing to President Lincoln and his cabinet to enlist Negroes," mural by William Edouard Scott, at the Recorder of Deeds building, built in 1943. 515 D St., NW, Washington, D.C. Courtesy of the Library of Congress.

Frederick Douglass knew what the Civil War was about before it even started. Throughout the conflict, he battled in a struggle of words while his sons matched Confederates on the field of battle. Douglass' efforts of the Civil War became as much a conflict over memory as for equality and citizenship. Unlike his ideological foes Jefferson Davis and Alexander Stephens, Douglass remained consistent with the same perceptions of the war's causes both before and after Union victory. On Decoration Day 1894, he made his case clear in a public oration: "Fellow citizens: I am not indifferent to the claims of a generous forgetfulness, but whatever else I may forget, I shall never forget the difference between those who fought for liberty and those who fought for slavery; between those who fought to save the Republic and those who fought to destroy it." Despite the large degree of truth in Douglass' sentiments, his pro-emancipation version of history was not the one to prevail in the postwar era. In the following article by Dr. Milton Sernett, Douglass' path to emancipation and suffrage are traced.

But has Frederick Douglass' dream been realized? Only recently, I interviewed an African American veteran who served in the Vietnam War. The Civil War came up in our discussion. He admittedly cannot recognize the relevance of the Civil War. In his view, continued racial disparity, class injustice, and the strongly celebrated Confederate Cause make it difficult for him to reconcile with the promises of Union triumph. When people refuse to ignore the root causes and achievements of the Civil War, they also ignore the transgressions that preceded and followed it. And that is unfair. "Abraham's dream is dead and Martin's dream is dead," he noted despondently to me. I politely replied I hoped he was wrong. But if noting else, Frederick Douglass revealed that accepting the status quo of society never brought advancement to anybody. It is with these thoughts in mind that we too can alter something for the collective better.

A Freedom War: Frederick Douglass and the second American Revolution
Milton C. Sernett, Ph.D. / Special to The Post-Standard

Frederick Douglass, the abolitionist writer and orator, urged freed slaves to fight for the Union. Two of his sons answered the call.

When the Civil War began in April 1861 after the firing upon Fort Sumter, Frederick Douglass welcomed the onset of the great national conflict. A refugee himself from slavery’s dark prison, he hoped against hope that a new day of freedom was about to dawn. Yet, as he warned the congregation of Rochester’s Zion Church when Union troops were struggling against Confederate rebels, “we cannot see the end from the beginning.”

Interpretations of the causes of the Civil War, the political and military strategies of President Abraham Lincoln, and of the moral and historical meaning of America’s bloodiest conflict weigh down my library shelves. The Civil War has been variously termed “the unnecessary war,” “the war of northern aggression,” “the war of the rebellion,” “the war for abolitionism” and “the war of the lost cause” — to name but a few of the catchall phrases. Some of these labels are locked in the labyrinth of ideas about race, region and historical memory that make clarity of thinking about the Civil War difficult even at this date.

When I want to regain my moorings in reflecting on the Civil War, I often turn to Frederick Douglass. Though he could not “see the end from the beginning” in 1861, he had the prophetic insight to locate abolitionism at the core of the conflict. Though many Yankee soldiers set off for the battlefield with the aim of simply thumping the Boys in Grey, Douglass wanted the Union forces to be a liberation army. He appealed to the Lincoln administration to allow free blacks to fight and sought to rally his contemporaries with the cry: “Men of Color to Arms.” Two of his sons, Charles and Lewis, answered the call.

Douglass welcomed Lincoln’s Emancipation Proclamation. Some abolitionists faulted Lincoln for not freeing all of the enslaved everywhere on Jan. 1, 1863. Lincoln critics today point out that the Emancipation Proclamation can be seen primarily as a military measure, as it did not liberate those held in slavery in the Border States such as Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland and Missouri. But Douglass understood that half a loaf of bread was better than no bread at all. When news of Lincoln’s Proclamation reached Tremont Temple in Boston on Jan. 1, 1863, Douglass joined in a massive celebration. He saw God’s hand in history working for the deliverance of the oppressed. The Civil War may have begun as a war simply to restore the fractured union, but now the conflict was a holy war — a freedom war.

Combatants on both sides of the Civil War carried their Bibles, had their chaplains and said their prayers for victory. While the cannons still boomed, the providential verdict was uncertain. Douglass vacillated between hope and despair.

What if the American Apocalypse, the hoped-for dawn of a new day of freedom, descended into the American Armageddon, remembered many years later only for the suffering and the carnage? The problem with all millennialist interpretations of war is that the winners get to write the valedictorian’s address. Losers are relegated to the footnotes.

Douglass’s hopes were renewed upon hearing Lincoln give his Second Inaugural Address, on March 4, 1865. The president spoke of his desire that “this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away,” but he would not have it so without the end of “the bondman’s two hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil.” “Every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid for by another.” Douglass and Lincoln were now of a like mind. The Civil War had become an Abolition War.

Then Lincoln spoke those words that even now make the heart beat faster. “With malice toward none, with charity for all, with firmness in the right as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in, to bind up the nation’s wounds, to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow and his orphan, to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves and with all nations.” Douglass tells us that he clapped his hands in gladness.

All was not in keeping with this moment of exhilaration. While waiting for the inaugural ceremonies to begin, Douglass caught Vice President Andrew Johnson observing him with a look of “bitter contempt and aversion.” Douglass thought then that Johnson was “no friend of our race.” The assassination of Abraham Lincoln on Good Friday, April 14, 1865, would put Johnson into the executive office. African-Americans and their allies now entered into a new struggle during Reconstruction and thereafter to preserve and protect the rights of African-Americans throughout the nation.

If we learn nothing else from the odyssey of Frederick Douglass (1818-1895), let us remember the Civil War not only as the Second American Revolution but also as a call to be ever diligent in keeping faith with freedom’s flame.

Milton C. Sernett, Ph.D., is Professor Emeritus of African-American Studies and History and Adjunct Professor of Religion at Syracuse University.


This "Afro-American Monument" printed in 1897 offers an interesting illustrated and symbolic timeline beginning at Jamestown in 1619 and ending at the eve of the 20th Century--toward a world of bountiful equality. But have we come close to such lofty aspirations? How might this illustrative timeline be extended into the modern age? That question is as much up to us as it is to the historical record.

Wednesday, March 7, 2012

Death in the Alleghenies

The Train Wreck of The Red Arrow


The crash of The Red Arrow on Bennington Curve outside Altoona, PA. Courtesy of the great railroad photo collection at Bill's Pennsy Photos. Check them out!

Reconnecting with an old tale from my local area, I did some research on one of the deadliest incidents in the region past's--and one of the worst transportation accidents in American History for that matter. This past February was the 65th anniversary of the wreck of The Red Arrow. The following is my brief account of what transpired in the mountains above the Rail City that winter:

The terrain had always been treacherous.
The railroad tracks encompassing Bennington Curve in the rugged mountains of central Pennsylvania had often posed numerous problems for the workers of the bustling Pennsylvania Railroad – not only for the impoverished Irish immigrants who constructed it in the 1850s, but also for the railroaders of a century later. Situated well over 2,200 feet above sea level, the elevation of the curve was amongst the highest on the PRR’s main line. Here, engineers were forced to mix extreme degrees of caution with simultaneous aggression when it came to navigating the mountains by rail. By not implementing the correct level of acceleration moving uphill, a locomotive could stall or potentially reverse itself down track. If speeding too fast, trains could not properly maneuver the sharp curves of the mountainous passes and faced the likelihood of derailing off the steeply situated ledges. The latter scenario occurred in the early morning hours of February 18, 1947 as PRR Train 68, named the Red Arrow, jumped the tracks on the infamous Bennington Curve – killing twenty-four onboard and critically injuring scores of other passengers. Hence, one of the deadliest train crashes in American History took place on a bitterly cold night in a location hardly easily accessible to rescuers. The tragic news splashed across the front pages of newspapers across the country over the course of the ensuing week. Many pondered the question, “Could this disaster have been avoided?” Such is a question that many, including survivors, wrestle with to this very day – especially when considering the suspect and controversial investigations that followed.

The Red Arrow was a gem in the crown of the PRR’s passenger services. The two gargantuan K-4 locomotives at the head of the train, with a capacity to travel over 100 miles per hour thanks to 155 ton engines, were only one of many impressive aspects of the train’s features. Behind the locomotive were fourteen cars that mainly consisted of Pullman passenger cars.[1] Despite the vast advancements in air travel due to the technological progress of World War II, many “travelers still preferred the all-weather safety, reliability, and comfort of the railroad passenger train. This often meant booking space aboard the parlor and sleeping cars of The Pullman Company.” Companies such as the PRR were worriedly aware of the competitive threats newer and quicker air travel posed but “‘getting there by train is half the fun of any trip!’ became the rallying cry of rail-travel advocates in the face of this competition.”[2] Naturally, the Red Arrow, with its fast speeds, sleek interiors, and glitzy name embodied the post war efforts of railroaders to revolutionize and rebrand their method of travel as prompt and nostalgic transportation. Unfortunately for such visionaries, within two decades, rail passenger service would be only a shadow of its former self in the face of the rapidly dominating air industry.

Despite a luxurious and rather adventurous backdrop, matters were not always cheerful for men such as James Corbett, one of several African American porters who accommodated guests onboard. Such stewards were responsible for serving passengers amenities, assisting with baggage, and preparing “roomettes” – small but cozy compartments located within sleeping cars. Regardless of the frequently luxurious backdrop of their vocation, porters were subjected to abhorrent instances of racial discrimination. Although organizations such as the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters demanded rights such as better wages and benefits for these service industry workers, they could do little to alter ingrained racial attitudes among many railroad passengers. However, Corbett and men like him saw the country, did their jobs, and were rightly proud of their work. Still, porters were frequently condescendingly referred to as “boy” or “George,” the first name of the Pullman Company founder.[3] But such racism was not as widespread in the morning hours of February 18, 1947 on the slopes below Bennington Curve. Lives were on the line.

The Red Arrow was running one hour late for its intended destination of New York City from its previous stop in Pittsburgh. Weather conditions were always of great concern while traversing through this terrain, especially snow and haze. Situated in a locality known for foggy conditions throughout the year, the mountain and its hazy conditions could prove especially harmful by limiting visibility for train crews. But not all factors were natural or climate related. Few locomotives of the time, including the Red Arrow, had speedometers. Engineman Mike Billig applied the brakes to the cars but not the locomotive itself as the train approached the large Bennington Curve. (Billig, who was badly scalded and scarred, was the only one of four enginemen to survive.) On the descent toward the curve, the train’s throttle inadvertently notched upward to half-open. Rather than proceeding at the recommended thirty miles per hour for this portion of track, the Red Arrow hit the curve at an astounding sixty-five miles per hour and derailed over the side. It was 3:21 a.m. 278 people were on board. Nearly one in ten of them did not survive.[4]

According to the February 19 issue of The Tuscaloosa News, “Five cars toppled into the gulley with the locomotives which lay on their sides, half buried in packed snow.” The train’s “two locomotives and five [of its] coaches careened down a steep 90-foot embankment to crash in a twisted maze.”[5] The actions of first responders included not only rescuing those who had survived, but recovering the bodies of those who had not. “By mid-afternoon the bodies of 17 had been brought into the morgue and four bodies were still entombed in the coaches and sleepers that lay scattered along the cinder-covered embankment,” reported the Schenectady Gazette. The article continued, “The dead included three of the four engineers and firemen who manned the two locomotives in the train’s hard climb over the mountains.”[6] Thus, the majority of the crew who may have been able to shed some light on the unfortunate circumstances of the wreck perished along with any of their potential explanations.

Meanwhile, passengers were left in a daze as to what exactly had happened. The train’s “sleeping passengers,” reported Oregon’s Eugene Register-Guard, were “jarred awake to death and pain and disaster, incoherently described only as a ‘series of bumps’ before the grinding crash of disintegrating steel.”[7] Indeed, both steel and lives were crushed that night. A full page spread on the front of The Pittsburgh Press noted that “Many of the passengers rallied to aid in the rescue of the more seriously injured. Others, their faces black with horror, wandered aimlessly around the cars, pitched topsy-turvy along the right of way. . . . Most of the victims were unable to talk as they were lifted from the wreckage.”[8] While most were in traumatic shock resulting from the death and devastation around them, others remained more concerned about material goods. British traveler Gerald D. Russell, for one, noted, “what worries me now is my luggage. I lost all my papers and my passport is missing. That’s quite serious for a foreigner, you know.”[9] Readers likely evoked little sorrow at that seemingly shallow comment, especially when comparing them to the account of Altoona photographer Tom Lynam. On scene to visually record the carnage, Lynam reported bodies lying indiscriminately across the rugged terrain. “I shone my flashlight inside [a car], he recalled, “and saw arms and legs sticking up” from the wreckage.[10] Meanwhile fellow photographer Howard Moyer hovered the skies above with pilot Johnny Evans, battling “winds, poor visibility and vicious downdrafts to picture” the wreck from their small engine Ercoupe. “There must have been 1500 persons around the wreck and perched on vantage points to view it,” Evans told The Pittsburgh Press.[11]

While many passengers were despondent and grieving about their plight, others attempted to alleviate the suffering of a horrendous situation by invoking faith and inciting assurance. Sally Ortega was a twenty-five year old Red Cross worker who was on her way home to New Jersey following a month-long visit with her aunt and uncle. Following the wreck, she too was pinned by debris in her car. Despite her confinement for over four hours, she kept her calm while telling stories and singing to entrapped passengers nearby. Rabbi George B. Lieberman, a traveler in the same car, attested to the fortitude of Ms. Ortega by recalling, “Sally was a great source of consolation.” She was caught between wreckage “but was very brave.” But Lieberman too revealed much endurance as he imparted interdenominational prayers and hymns among his fellow travelers.[12] However, even when accounting the goodwill displayed between the victims, their benevolence could not always preserve the lives or good spirits of those on entangled in the quagmire of twisted steel.

From a multitude of heart-wrenching tales arising from the Red Arrow tragedy, that of Postal Clerk G. C. Bowman may rank at the top. As a clerk in Postal Car 5473, Bowman’s duties included sorting mail en route to ensure more speedy deliveries. When his car was one of several that spun off the tracks, Bowmann’s feet became wedged between two pieces of twisted metal that left him hanging upside down for nearly nine exhaustingly painful hours. He could see the twisted corpse of his brother, Holland, also a mail clerk, in the nearby rubble. “While rescue crews burned away at steel with acetylene torches to free him, he dictated a will to a postal inspector. . . . Conscious all the while he was trapped, Bowman directed rescuers in their frantic efforts to release him.” Five of the mail clerks on board had already died. Bowman was the sixth. Despite remaining conscious and cooperative during rescue efforts, despite being freed from the carnage by blow torches and being successfully evacuated, Bowman’s ghastly wounds and likely loss of blood proved too much to overcome. He died in the Altoona Hospital the next day. [13]

Medical facilities in the nearby railroad hotbed of Altoona, Pennsylvania were swarmed with casualties like they had never been before. Victims were transported to the Altoona Hospital (also operated by the PRR), Mercy Hospital, and even the old USO Canteen from World War II that was located next door to the downtown train station. Within four hours of the wreck, casualties filled beds and cots in the increasingly crowded hallways of Altoona’s infirmaries. Drops of blood speckled the corridors of the hospitals as more and more victims were delivered. Crowds outside the structures lined the streets to both proffer assistance and take in the horrific spectacle. “Every ambulance and taxicab in the city was pressed into service. Local and State police moved into action to give them clearance.”[14] Passenger Frank W. Goldy of Detroit, who was brought to the hospital wearing an overcoat over his pajamas, noted that, “We [survivors] are a picture of gratitude.”[15] Observers of the medical care were both shocked and inspired, including local high school sophomore Janet Azeles, who was so moved as to study medical care and become a registered nurse for thirty-five years. But there was confusion as well as inspiration in the hospitals. Medical workers on hand were initially quite surprised to find so many children among the large number of wounded. Upon further investigation, they found that the small casualties were not adolescents, but members of Rose’s Midget Review, a travelling troupe of little people who were fatefully on board. [16] A group of ten Naval apprentice sailors were also passengers, on their way to training in Maryland.[17]

Some blame for the accident was easily thrust upon the train’s crew – and perhaps accordingly so. R. A. Smith and N. H. Neff, crewmen parked in a nearby freighter, attested to the dangerously high speed of the train in its final moments. She was “travelling much faster than usual,” testified Neff. “I saw sparks coming from the wheels, indicating that brakes were being applied.” Too little too late, many observed.[18] Or was the wreck a merely a result of the ominous terrain? Even when locomotives on Bennington Curve traveled at appropriate speeds, dangers lurked everywhere along the Main Line. Only eleven days after the wreck of the Red Arrow, the last Pullman car of the PRR’s New York to Texas Sunshine Special “tore loose from the train at the peak of the Alleghenies in pre-dawn darkness [and] careened wildly down the mountainside and plowed into an embankment, killing a Pullman porter and injuring 10 passengers and one crewman.” Those still attached to the train did not realize of the separation until they reached Pittsburgh, approximately 100 miles away.[19] Lee Keys, the black porter who perished onboard, attempted to save his passengers even though they may have previously spoken down to him. One of them concluded, “He was up and down the aisle doing everything he could. A real hero who thought first of us and disregarded his own safety.”[20]

Heroics aside, incidents such as the Red Arrow and Sunshine Special on Bennington Curve did not entirely depict train travel as the safe and comfortable mode of transportation it was advertised to be. But matters worsened for any would-be rail advocates hoping to protect the image of the industry. Within the same two week period, at least 300 passengers were killed in a train wreck outside of Kyoto, Japan. Travelers worldwide, whether warranted or not, began to further contemplate the safety of rail travel.[21] The following June, the Interstate Commerce Commission (ICC) took preemptive action by ordering that railroads place automatic block signal systems along nearly 19,000 miles of track across the United States. “The order resulted from an investigation instituted by the ICC into accidents and their relation to scheduled speed of passenger and freight trains” – the Red Arrow undoubtedly being amongst them.[22] This crash was part of a much larger endemic in which more passengers were being injured in wrecks. Resulting from the downfall of short-haul passenger services, the number of passengers on trains doubled between 1930 and 1960. “Thus,” historian Mark Aldrich contends, “while accidents per passenger mile declined after World War II, the number of casualties per accident rose from the 1930s on, resulting in a disproportionate increase in the number of disasters.”[23]

The investigation into the wreck of the Red Arrow itself, however, remains shrouded in much more mystery and controversy. The ICC took a decidedly non-accusatory approach in their proceedings. The wreckage of the Red Arrow’s locomotives were salvaged by heavy duty cranes, transported to the Altoona Rail Shops, and pieced together like a detective might reconstruct a homicide scene. In spite of these results, commissioners could find no definite fault in the train’s engines, tenders, axles, wheels, or suspensions. The throttles of the train’s two locomotives were locked securely in place – placed in that position by engineer Billig immediately after he noticed one had slipped to half speed. Experts also ruled out the possibilities of poor weather conditions or physical obstructions. Perhaps not wishing to ruffle the feathers of the PRR’s still-mighty establishment, the Commission’s deliberations simply concluded that the train’s crash was caused by “excessive speed on a curve.”[24] (See Appendix A for the full investigation report.) Likewise, a Blair County coroner’s inquest and jury found Billig free of any guilt in the matter, though he carried the stigma like he did his scars from the Red Arrow for the remainder of his life.

Writer Dennis McIlnay has noted that Coroner Daniel Replogle’s “reason for convening the inquest seems to have been more political than judicial.” Possibly wishing to exonerate the crew – and thus the PRR itself – Replogle supervised a tight investigation that received little attention in local or national media. Similarly, those on the jury were employees of the PRR, and likewise cared not to risk the reputation of their employer or their own positions in condemning Billig or the company. The official transcript of this inquest is not to be found in any archive or courthouse, lost accidentally or purposefully in the shuffle of time. The suspicious nature and seeming partiality of the proceedings perhaps speaks best to the power such organizations as the Pennsylvania Railroad possessed over the course of multiple decades.[25]

The crash of the Red Arrow was both a literal and symbolic tragedy that coincided with the post-war decline of rail travel in the United States. The disaster’s aftermath nevertheless spoke to the mighty, swaying power the railroading elite held in the industry and society they dominated – even as that industry and power slowly diminished. No person was held accountable for the disaster, nor were any of its victims or their families compensated for the loss. Likewise, little or no remembrance or commemoration of the event exists physically or consciously in the very community where the incident occurred. Though the 247 souls on board the Red Arrow could never forget their ill-fated journey, historical recollection of the calamity remains as barren as the still-desolate slopes of Bennington Curve itself.


Notes:


[1] McIlnay, Dennis P. The Wreck of the Red Arrow: An American Train Tragedy. Hollidaysburg, PA: Seven Oaks, 2010, 23-24.

[2] Welsh, Joe, and Bill Howes. Travel by Pullman: A Century of Service. St. Paul, MN: MBI Pub., 2004, 84.

[3] McIlnay, 24.

[4] Ibid., 28-9.

[5] "23 Identified in Train Crash." The Tuscaloosa News [Tuscaloosa, AL] 19 Feb. 1947: 1.

[6] "Passenger Train Plunges Over Embankment in Pa.; 20 Killed, 117 Others Hurt." Schenectady Gazette [Schenectady, NY] 18 Feb. 1947: 5.

[7] “Rail Accident Toll Reaches 25.” Eugene Register-Guard [Eugene, Oregon] 19 Feb. 1947: 1.

[8] “104 Injured When Flyer Goes Over Steep Bank On Curve Near Altoona.” The Pittsburgh Press [Pittsburgh, PA] 18 Feb. 1947: 1.

[9] “Wreck Survivor Says He’s Lucky.” Reading Eagle [Reading, PA] 18 Feb. 1947: 18.

[10] “Altoona Wreck.” Reading Eagle [Reading, PA] 18 Feb. 1947: 18.

[11] “Pilot, Cameraman Get Wreck Scenes.” The Pittsburgh Press [Pittsburgh, PA] 18 Feb. 1947: 1-2.

[12] “Murrysville Couple Tells Story of Heroic Niece in Train Wreck.” The News-Dispatch [Jeannette, PA] 21 Feb. 1947: 1.

[13] “Man Dictates Will Hanging From Train.” The Tuscaloosa News [Tuscaloosa, AL] 19 Feb. 1947: 1.

[14] “104 Injured When Flyer Goes Over Steep Bank On Curve Near Altoona.” The Pittsburgh Press [Pittsburgh, PA] 18 Feb. 1947: 1

[15] “Altoona Wreck.” Reading Eagle [Reading, PA] 18 Feb. 1947: 18.

[16] McIlnay, 123.

[17] Haine, Edgar A. Railroad Wrecks. New York: Cornwall, 1993, 123.

[18] “Railmen Testify Red Arrow Sped At High Rate.” Meriden Record [Meriden, CT] 25 Feb. 1947: 1.

[19] “Pullman Leaves Train, Races Down Mountain.” The Milwaukee Journal [Milwaukee, WI] 28 Feb. 1947: 1.

[20] “Runaway Car Porter Dies Saving Riders.” The Milwaukee Sentinel [Milwaukee, WI] 1 Mar. 1947: 1.

[21] “300 Reported Killed In Tokyo Train Wreck.” Meriden Record [Meriden, CT] 25 Feb. 1947: 1.

[22] “Train Safety Order Issued.” The Milwaukee Journal [Milwaukee, WI] 19 June 1947: 8.

[23] Aldrich, Mark. Death Rode the Rails: American Railroad Accidents and Safety, 1828-1965. Baltimore, MD: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006, 291.

[24] McIlnay, 95.

[25] Ibid., 106-8.